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After
it became clear the Union Army was not going to chase Lee anymore, his forces
went into encampment. Hill's Division were encamped around the Bunker Hill
area. During the next few weeks Lee would officially promote Longstreet and
Jackson to Lieutenant General's and divide his army into two corps. It was
also made clear in Lee's communication to President Davis, that his next
choice for corps commander was AP Hill. Also during this period Jim Lane
was promoted to general and officially given command of the North Carolina
brigade, formerly led by the fallen Branch. Brockenbrough would continue
to lead Field's Virginian's temporarily, replacing Field who had been wounded
at Second Manassas. Col Bolling Holt was given official command of the 35th
Georgia, releasing Thomas from his regimental duties to concentrate on his
command of the entire brigade.
James Lane courtesy General Officers of the Civil War With the Union Army making no aggressive moves in the area, the Confederate Army took the opportunity to rest and rebuild its forces. New recruits joined, limited equipment was brought in, and life returned to a camp life routine. Within 4 weeks, the Hill Division had doubled in size to 9400 men. In the latter part of October, Hill's men moved to Berryville, and began destroying the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. When completed, they had destroyed nearly twenty miles of track, coming within 4 miles of Harper's Ferry, which Union forces had again occupied. On the 7th of November, the first snow of the year blanketed Hill's men, who on the 9th moved to near Castleman's Ferry, on the road to Snicker's Gap. As snow fell on the barefoot Confederates, miles away Lincoln was making changes in the command structure of his army again. Disgusted that McClellan could organize an Army like no other, but didn't seemed to know how to use it, Lincoln replaced him with General Ambrose Everett Burnside on October 10th.
Ambrose Burnside courtesy General Officers of the Civil War
Burnside
had his Army at Warrenton, Longstreet was in Culpeper, and Jackson's men
were in the Shenandoah Valley. Burnside formulated a plan by which if he
could beat Lee to Fredericksburg and cross the river, he would command the
heights over the town and have a strong hold into southern territory, with
Richmond his ultimate goal. His Army set out secretly and had a day and half
head start before Lee realized what was happening. He quickly responded,
putting Longstreet enroute to Fredericksburg. A few days later, on the 22nd
of November, Jackson put his command in motion. Watching the Hill's troops
pass through Winchester, one young girl wrote in her diary "They were
very destitute, many without shoes, and all without overcoats or gloves,
although the weather is freezing. Their poor hands look so red and cold holding
their muskets in the biting wind" (Cornelia McDonald - A Diary With
Reminiscences of the War and Refugee Life - Nashville 1934 )
George Meade courtesy General Officers of the Civil War
The
morning of December 12 was foggy, and while unable to see to their front,
Hill's Division could hear the Federals moving into position. Opposing them
were Union troops under General's Meade and Gibbon. As the fog lifted around
10, Hill's men in front could see the Union forces advancing against them.
After a single cannon held the advance at bay for a time, the Union cannons
on the opposite bank pounded Hill's men for nearly an hour. Then they went
silent, and the Union assault commenced again. Now the Confederate cannons
opened up and for a time it appeared they would break the advance. But as
the Union and Confederate line grew close, the cannons fell quiet. Releasing
the gap was unprotected the Union Army advanced in force toward it and the
brigades protecting its flanks. This meant Lane and Archer. Both were hit
hard and pushed back, Lane giving up less ground than Archer. Brockenbrough
rushed his men to Archer's assistance, while Thomas rushed his men forward
to support Lane. Meanwhile, in the gap, the Union troops broke through on
an unsuspecting Gregg. Gregg's forces were completely taken off guard, and
fought bitterly to maintain their position. Pender's forces and Lane's left
flank came under attack as Gibbon's men joined the advance. Initially pushed
back, Pender's men held. Lane's retreat had stopped with Thomas' support
and now these two brigades held strong in the woods. On the right Brockenbrough's
help had stopped the rout of Archer's forces. And in the middle, Gregg's
men, less their mortally wounded commander, held on long enough for Jackson
to rush three new brigades under Jubal Early into the fight. Charging past
the dying Maxcy Gregg, who raised his hat in salute to them, Early's men
charged into the Union high point and began to push them back. Strained to
their limits, and unsupported, Meade's forces were slowly pushed back. By
two in the afternoon, the fight in Jackson's front was over. The blood bath
to the left on Longstreet's front would continue on late into the evening.
Jubal Early courtesy General Officers of the Civil War In this battle, the troops under Thomas, initially were only under Union artillery fire. But as Lane's North Carolinian's were being pushed back, the Georgian's rushed into the woods to their support. Facing them on the right were most likely the 4th, 8th, and 142nd Pennsylvanian's under Union Colonel Albert Magilton, of Meade's command. To the front were three brigade's of Brig Gen John Gibbon's Second Division. Lane's Carolinian's had successfully met the attacks of the first two brigades sent against them, but by the time the 1st Brigade attacked, they were out of ammunition and fell back into the woods. It was here that Thomas Geogian's came to their rescue. Facing the combined forces of Thomas and Lane were most likely soldiers from the 16th Maine (the Blanket Brigade), 94th, 97th (Conkling Rifle's), 104th, and 105th New York, 12th Massachusetts, and 88th Pennsylvania (Cameron Light Guards), among others. Two men of the 16th Maine were actually speared by bayonet tipped rifles thrown by Lane's retreating troops. Marker near where Thomas and Lane fought Gibbon and Meade Col Warren of the 142nd Pennsylvania, believed to be attacking Thomas' right flank, would later say in a speech "(Fredericksburg) is where our first genuine experience of war commenced-here is where we passed the first ordeal that was calculated to try men's souls--here is where we heard the first rattle of musketry and knew and realized that the leaden missiles, screaming past our ears, coming directly from the muzzles of well aimed muskets, in the hands of our common enemy, must deal death and destruction to our ranks, and summon many a good friend and comrade to lay his life upon the alter of his country and manfully meet his God." (History of the Regiment) The 35th would loose 14 dead and 41 wounded. The 142nd Pennsylvania lost over 170 men killed and wounded. To their front, the 16th Maine lost 230 of 417 men, and the 12th Massachusetts lost 105 of 258 men. On the whole the Hill Division lost 231 killed, 1474 wounded and 417 missing. Gibbon's Second Division had lost 1267 casualties out of 3500 men sent in.
Hill
would be criticized for this battle, like no other. His whereabouts during
the entire battle were unknown, and the hole he had left between two of his
regiments caused many men their lives. It was a mistake he would not repeat.
Meade would report 1,853 casualties out of 4700 engaged and Gibbon would
reported 1267 casualties. It was a costly mistake for the Union Army, but
a far worst mistake was being made against Longstreet on the hill. By the
next day, the Union Army had suffered a total of 12,653 casualties, compared
to Lee's 5,309. |
Private
Marion FitzPatrick of the 14th Georgia Regiment wrote of the battle "Early
on the morning of the 11th heavy canonadeing was heard in the direction of
Fredericksburg about six miles from here. We were ordered to be in readiness
to march at a moments warning and remained so all that day. Early on the
morning of the 12th we took up the line of march toward Fredericksburg. We
moved slowly and cautiously and constantly could hear the booming of canon
and the sharp crack of the skirmishers rifles. We moved on about three miles
and took a position in a thick wood as supporters. All day we could hear
canonading and skirmishing but no general engagement. We remained in that
position till about 2 o'clock the next day which was the 13th. Canonading
and skirmishing was still kept up, getting nearer and more vigorous, and
occasionally they would salute us with a bomb and sometimes with dangerous
consequences. About half past 1 o'clock the deafing roar of thousands of
small arms and whistling of bullets all around us told us that the ball had
opened in earnest. We staied there some 20 or thirty minutes and were ordered
to another place about 3/4 of a mile to the left. We doublequicked the most
of the way and when we reached the place formed a line of battle or tried
to in a thick low cedar growth, and marched into it. We had gone but little
distance before the bullets came whistling thick and fast and the heartrending
cries of the wounded were constantly heard. On we went but still could see
no Yankees, but soon the right wing of our regiment fired a deafening volley
which told that they were in sight of the blue coats. In a moment more we
could all see a plenty of them. I raised my rifle took deliberate aim and
fired, loaded and fired again. The Yanks retreated and we followed with a
rush and a yell and poured death in their ranks at every step. They retreated
about five or six hundred yards and made a stand or tried to, but we charged
on and soon made them run again. The Yanks were then in an open field, we
followed them a short distance in the open field and halted and fired on
them as they retreated till they got beyond our reach. We then ceased firing
and took our position there in line of battle. We could see thousands of
blue coats to our right but all was still near us except a few skirmishers
to our left. The regiment to our left sent out skirmishers to rebut against
them but the fire of the Yankee scouts was right towards us. We were ordered
to lie down. About a dozen balls one after another whistled close by me.
I had my blankets folded in a narrow belt tied together at the ends and had
them across my shoulders as is usual for soldiers to carry them. I was lying
rather on my side with the fold of the blankets against my head. A ball struck
the blankets right against my head but did not go clear through the blankets
and did not hurt me. I moved a little lower down and was lying on my left
side, in a few moments another ball came and struck me on the left side on
the lower part of my ribs which knocked me nearly senseless. I have never
had any thing to hurt quite so bad before. I jumped up and halloed that I
was wounded. Two of our boys bore me quickly away, one under each arm. I
had gone but little ways before a dizziness came over me with the strangest
feelings I ever had came over me. The boys poured some water on my head and
face and it soon passed off and we went on, till we came to the ambulances.
They put me in one, and carried me to the hospital which was on the ground
in the woods. They took me out of the ambulance made a pallet with my blankets
and I lay down. Fortunately I got near one of my own company that was wounded.
I suffered considerably, but after awhile went to sleep and slept soundly
for several hours. When I awoke I felt greatly refreshed but just half of
my head and one arm and leg felt sore and stiff. I was tired lying and by
rubbing and twisting and trying pretty hard to my great joy I got up by myself
and walked about some which helped me the most in the world. The shock I
received had passed off and I was comparitively a well man to what I was
a short time before. It is strange to me how a ball can shock a man in that
way, but I do not wish to gain any more knowledge about it from experience"
"Letters to Amanda" edited by Jeffrey C Lowe and Sam Hodges.
A private in the 142nd, in a speech at the dedication of a monument at Gettysburg in 1889, related a story of the unit's commander before their advance at Fredericksburg. "Colonel Cummins hailed me and wished a canteen of water in exchange for a canteen of "ELIXIR," which I most readily consented to. I held the horse while he rearranged his baggage and canteens on his saddle. While in the act of passing the canteen to him after receiving the "ELIXIR," in apparently less time than could be counted, about half a dozen shells and shot passed in close proximity to his head, and the colonel was only saved by turning in his saddle that moment to give the command, "Fall in!" The check or curb-rein was twisted, and I was in the act of straightening it out when a shot stuck the horse below the eye and carried the lower part of the head away. I had the rein and bit on my arm and shoulder; I was horror-stricken and fell to the ground, as something struck me in the head, back of the left ear. In an instant I was up again and surely thought the shell or shot went through the body of the colonel, but was startled and surprised to see him, With apparent coolness getting off the horse as the latter was slowly sinking upon his haunches, the colonel urging me with some emphasis to get "traps" off the saddle. This apparent coolness on his part was, to a certain extent, a stimulant to my nerves. I conceitedly supposed at the time I was really a veteran, and my lesson from him served to support me in many after- contingencies. This incident is upon record as one of the cases of singular vitality, related of wounded battery, cavalry and infantry horses. Imagine a horse with the major part of his head shot away, and running over the field! Some comrade--I think Sergeant Wood of Company "A"--and myself fired several shots from revolvers into his head and neck, but the horse seemed invincible, as the shots did not kill him." (Speech of Private James E McLane)
Fredricksburg/Spotslvania National Battlefield
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